Description : Civil Paths to Peace contains the analyses and findings of the Commonwealth Commission on Respect and Understanding, established in response to the 2005 request of Commonwealth Head of Government for the Commonwealth Secretary-General to 'explore initiatives to promote mutual understanding and respect among all faiths and communities in the Commonwealth.' This report focuses particularly on the issues of terrorism, extremism, conflict and violence, which are much in ascendancy and afflict Commonwealth countries as well as the rest of the world. It argues that cultivating respect and understanding is both important in itself and consequential in reducing violence and terrorism. It further argues that cultivated violence is generated through fomenting disrespect and fostering confrontational misunderstandings. The report looks at the mechanisms through which violence is cultivated through advocacy and recruitment, and the pre-existing inequalities, deprivations and humiliations on which those advocacies draw. These diagnoses also clear the way for methods of countering disaffection and violence. In various chapters the different connections are explored and examined to yield general policy recommendations. Accepting diversity, respecting all human beings, and understanding the richness of perspectives that people have are of great relevance for all Commonwealth countries, and for its 1.8 billion people. They are also importance for the rest of the world. The civil paths to peace are presented here for use both inside the Commonwealth and beyond its boundaries. The Commonwealth has survived and flourished, despite the hostilities associated with past colonial history, through the use of a number of far-sighted guiding principles. The Commission argues that those principles have continuing relevance today for the future of the Commonwealth--and also for the world at large.
Description : Bataljonschef Robin Eveleigh giver et svar på hvad årsagerne til regeringens manglende resultater i Nordirland skyldes.
Description : Created in the form of a graphic novel, an illustrated history of the Students for a Democratic Society organization details the 1962 convention during which the group prepared the Port Huron Statement, drafted by Tom Haden, its role during the tumultuous era of the 1960s, and its final meeting in 1969 during which the SDS was shattered into myriad factions.
Description : African nations have watched the recent civic dramas of the Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street asking if they too will see similar civil society actions in their own countries. Nigeria—Africa’s most populous nation—has long enjoyed one of the continent’s most vibrant civil society spheres, which has been instrumental in political change. Initially viewed as contributing to democracy’s development, however, civil society groups have come under increased scrutiny by scholars and policymakers. Do some civil society groups promote democracy more effectively than others? And if so, which ones, and why? By examining the structure, organizational cultures, and methods of more than one hundred Nigerian civil society groups, Kew finds that the groups that best promote democratic development externally are themselves internally democratic. Specifically, the internally democratic civil society groups build more sustainable coalitions to resist authoritarian rule; support and influence political parties more effectively; articulate and promote public interests in a more negotiable fashion; and, most importantly, inculcate democratic norms in their members, which in turn has important democratizing impacts on national political cultures and institutions. Further, internally democratic groups are better able to resolve ethnic differences and ethnic-based tensions than their undemocratically structured peers. This book is a deeply comprehensive account of Nigerian civil society groups in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Kew blends democratic theory with conflict resolution methodologies to argue that the manner in which groups—and states—manage internal conflicts provides an important gauge as to how democratic their political cultures are. The conclusions will allow donors and policymakers to make strategic decisions in their efforts to build a democratic society in Nigeria and other regions.
Description : «Конец истории и последний человек» – это одно из самых известных произведений философа и футуролога Фрэнсиса Фукуямы, ставшее международным бестселлером и переведенное на несколько десятков языков.Капиталистическая либеральная демократия, убеждает Фукуяма в своей работе, есть конец истории в привычном нам ее направлении. Современные технологии все более способствуют гомогенизации различных культур, достижения индивидуальные превалируют над коллективными.Результатом становится своеобразная «капиталистическая утопия» – идеальное общество потребления, прекратившее историческое развитие, замкнувшееся внутри себя и, следовательно, поглощенное лишь внутренними проблемами.Какой же станет философия «последних людей»?И не станет ли материальная утопия духовной антиутопией?
Description : Historical patterns suggest that democratic governments, which often fight wars against authoritarian regimes, maintain peaceful relationships with other governments that uphold political freedoms and empower their civil societies. This timely collection of essays by leading scholars examines how democracies maintain relationships and how democratic principles are spread throughout the world.
Description : Why has Colombia's internal war become so entrenched? Why have peace efforts failed to produce durable agreements? Why has Colombia's long-standing democracy experienced such glaring failures? This book addresses these questions and delves into the underlying politics of these issues.
Description : The West, Civil Society and the Construction of Peace describes how the challenges of peacemaking following the First and Second World Wars defined the West. In turn, the difficulties in applying the Western recipe for peace to the new security challenges of a globalizing world is threatening to destroy the international community. Mikkel Vedby Rasmussen explains how the values of civil society have held the West together and concludes that 'the democratic peace ' is not a 'law' but a recipe for security.
Description : Sex and World Peace unsettles a variety of assumptions in political and security discourse, demonstrating that the security of women is a vital factor in the security of the state and its incidence of conflict and war. The authors compare micro-level gender violence and macro-level state peacefulness in global settings, supporting their findings with detailed analyses and color maps. Harnessing an immense amount of data, they call attention to discrepancies between national laws protecting women and the enforcement of those laws, and they note the adverse effects on state security of abnormal sex ratios favoring males, the practice of polygamy, and inequitable realities in family law, among other gendered aggressions. The authors find that the treatment of women informs human interaction at all levels of society. Their research challenges conventional definitions of security and democracy and shows that the treatment of gender, played out on the world stage, informs the true clash of civilizations. In terms of resolving these injustices, the authors examine top-down and bottom-up approaches to healing wounds of violence against women, as well as ways to rectify inequalities in family law and the lack of parity in decision-making councils. Emphasizing the importance of an R2PW, or state responsibility to protect women, they mount a solid campaign against women's systemic insecurity, which effectively unravels the security of all.
Description : Attempts to introduce democracy in the wake of civil war face a critical problem: how can war-torn societies move towards peace and democracy when competitive politics and hard-fought elections exacerbate social and political conflict? Through a study of six themes (peacekeeping, management of violence, power sharing, political party transformation, elections, civil society and international reactions to democratization crises) this volume considers the dilemmas that arise in pursuing peace after civil war through processes of democratization. The contributors' research highlights the complex relationship between democratization, which is competitive, and peacebuilding or efforts to achieve reconciliation. The book offers insights into more effective action in peacebuilding in light of the short-term negative effects that democratization can introduce. It is a thought-provoking work that seeks both to advance theory and to provide policy-relevant findings to facilitate more effective and durable transitions from war to democracy.
Description : How do civility and citizenship, aspects of the individual's attachment to a liberal democratic society, affect the nature and future of that society? This book reminds us of the fragility of a good political order and the complexities of maintaining liberal democracy, even when actions of citizens are wise and virtuous. Professor Banfield states that history and reflection tell us that a majority may tyrannize cruelly over a minority. What we want is not majority rule simply, but majority rule plus the protection of certain rights that pertain to individuals. This is the difference between democracy and liberal democracy; in the latter there is a private sphere into which the governing authority may not intrude. Citizenship implies a sense of shared responsibility for the conduct of a regime; a regime is fully liberal but less than fully democratic if rights are protected but significant numbers of persons are denied, or decline to accept and exercise, the duties of citizenship. It will be found that by this test the number of nations that approach the ideal of liberal democracy - that are at once very liberal and democratic - is painfully small and that the most liberal are not those in which citizenship is most widely held and exercised. If a liberal democratic society is to continue as such there must be widely respected institutions, practices, and modes of thought that encourage or demand the making of concessions where necessary to preserve the degree of harmony without which the society could not continue as a going concern. The obligation of the citizen to obey the law is one such safeguard of order. The idea of civic virtue is another. Civility, the culturally ingrained willingness to tolerate behavior that is offensive, is yet another. The first chapter by Edward Shils distinguishes the "civil person" and the "state" and points to conditions of modern life that threaten to erode civility and endanger liberal democracy. Katherine Auspitz tells how certain British and continental writers in the eighteenth and nineteenth century sought to encourage the motivations they deemed essential for a free society. Charles Kesler describes the American founders' conception of public interest. Clifford Orwin views this subject in the contrasting lights of ancient and modern philosophy. Robert Goldwin maintains, through an examination of the American experience, that the tension between rights and democracy and between rights and citizenship renders liberal democracy impossible except as civility intervenes. James Q. Wilson explores the relationship between economic progress, the cultural changes brought about by the Enlightenment and increased criminality. Elie Kedourie examines the prospects for civility and liberal consensus in what has been called the "Third World." The final chapter, Myron Weiner discussed the problem of citizenship and migration of peoples in relation to liberal democracies, especially in regard to the demand from people in low-income developing countries to enter advanced industrial democracies.
Description : Эпохальная, противоречивая личность в истории политической мысли и PR, Эдвард Бернейс (1891–1995) первым предложил научный метод формирования и манипулирования общественным мнением, которому дал название «инженерия согласия», ставшее теперь известным. Во время Первой мировой войны он активно работал в Комитете общественной информации (CPI), влиятельном пропагандистском аппарате, призванном «показывать, рекламировать и продавать» эту войну американцам – как войну, которая «сделает мир безопасным для демократии». CPI стал прообразом маркетинговых стратегий будущих войн.Применяя методы, усвоенные в CPI, а также некоторые идеи Уолтера Липпмана, Бернейс стал ярым сторонником пропаганды как инструмента демократической и корпоративной манипуляции народом. Сенсационная книга «Пропаганда» (1928) раскрывает его пугающе прозорливое видение пропаганды как способа управления коллективным сознанием в самых разных областях, включая правительство, политику, искусство, науку и образование. Читая эту книгу сегодня, мы с ужасом осознаем, во что превратились современные институты власти и бизнеса, если говорить об организованной манипуляции народом.
Description : Democracy and Civil Society in a Global Era addresses challenges to the strengthening of active citizenship. In this highly-structured work, the themes presented are linked to fostering a culture of peace and non-violence, the lessening of fear and insecurity in political, economic, social, and cultural terms inherently detached from the conceptualization of political delineations and physical boundaries, and the ability to live dignified lives. The various regions that are represented in the case studies include: the Indian sub-continent, Malaysia, Indonesia, Turkey, Iran, China, the Middle East, Nigeria and the EU. The commonality and universality of the topics allows readers from any region of the world to relate to them. This book presents a dynamic combination of theory and field research, and is an iconoclastic tour-de-force of studies in democracy. Policy makers, think tanks and development practitioners may be particularly be interested in this book because it is about action rather than mere ideas and processes. It demonstrates how social movements can introduce and strengthen equality, inclusion, accountability, and the free flow of information. These elements, in turn, can contribute to the acculturation of freedom and social justice, in the developed world just as much as in the developing world.